The End of Eric Adams

What will happen to the Mayor of New York City?

“If [Eric Adams] doesn’t come through, I’ll be back in New York City. I’ll be in his office, up his butt, saying ‘where the hell is the agreement we came to’.”

(Donald Trump’s Border Czar, Tom Homan)

On Thursday afternoon, Danielle Sassoon, the interim US attorney for the Southern District of New York, tendered her resignation following a recent order from the Department of Justice to drop corruption charges against New York City Mayor Eric Adams. In an episode dubbed the “Thursday Afternoon Massacre,” five additional officials with the federal public integrity unit chose to quit rather than obey the DOJ’s directive.

In her resignation letter, Sassoon alleged, “[Eric] Adams’s attorneys repeatedly urged what amounted to a quid pro quo, indicating that Adams would be in a position to assist with the Department’s enforcement priorities only if the indictment were dismissed.”

“Rather than be rewarded, Adams’s advocacy should be called out for what it is: an improper offer of immigration enforcement assistance in exchange for a dismissal of his case.”

The same day, following his meeting with Trump Border Czar, Tom Homan, the embattled Mayor signed an executive order to open Rikers Island to ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement), an entity which had been banned from the notorious jail’s premises since sanctuary city laws were passed a decade ago. The following morning, Adams appeared alongside Homan in a chummy “Fox and Friends” interview, where the Border Czar repeatedly made clear who was in charge — pointedly, not the Mayor of New York City. Certainly, Democratic Party concerns over the alleged quid pro quo were not assuaged by their exchange.

According to The New York Times, Sassoon also shared that SDNY had proposed a superseding indictment against the Mayor for “conspiracy to obstruct justice,” which included “evidence that Adams destroyed and instructed others to destroy evidence and provide false information to the F.B.I.”

Yesterday, four top officials — including first deputy mayor Maria Torres-Springer, in addition to Meera Joshi, Anne Williams-Isom and Chauncey Parker (all also deputy mayors) — announced their impending departures from the Adams’ administration, casting even greater doubt over the near-term future of municipal government.

“Due to the extraordinary events of the last few weeks and to stay faithful to the oaths we swore to New Yorkers and our families, we have come to the difficult decision to step down from our roles.”

Already, several Democrats across New York State have called for Eric Adams to resign (Lieutenant Governor Antonio Delgado) — or face removal (Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, State Senate Deputy Leader Mike Gianaris).

The former, a mere call for resignation, is less noteworthy, given such a plea is directed at a politician with zero incentive or desire to do so. Indeed, were Adams to willingly relinquish his position atop the largest city in the United States, he would forsake the very leverage that has kept his serious charges, which carry the possibility of jail time, at bay. However, the latter, imploring the removal of the Mayor via mechanisms in the State Constitution or City Charter, would be a significant development — one with little precedent in the history of New York State.

The first, and most clear cut option, would be for Governor Kathy Hochul to suspend the Mayor, powers granted to Hochul under state law. Adams would be provided a copy of the charges against him, and would have an opportunity to defend himself, with the Governor ultimately serving as judge, jury, and executioner. The second, more obscure mechanism, known as the “Inability Committee,” is outlined in the New York City Charter.

“The committee would be made up of the corporation counsel (Muriel Goode-Trufant), the city comptroller (Brad Lander, who is running for mayor), the speaker of the City Council (Adrienne Adams), one deputy mayor (selected by the current mayor, in this case Adams) and the borough president who has served the most consecutive years in office (Queens Borough President Donovan Richards).” (The City)

While the City Charter does not “specify how the committee would begin,” were the Inability Committee convened, the body would need at least four votes (out of five members) to advance the proceedings to the City Council, where two-thirds of members would need to vote in favor of the Mayor’s removal.

The Mayor’s chances of surviving a vote in the City Council — where Adams would need to peel off seventeen members to vote against his removal — are less than twenty-percent, in the author’s estimation. While the Council’s five Republicans would be inclined to support the embattled Mayor, given the current iteration of Eric Adams is the closest one of their ilk will come to reigning City Hall for the foreseeable future, they would need an additional twelve Democratic defections — a herculean task in an election year for a man who has forsaken whatever scant principles remained to chase a get-out-of-jail free card.

However, it remains an open question as to whether the four votes for removal, necessary to advance the Mayor’s plight to the City Council, can be secured on the Inability Committee to begin with. Comptroller Brad Lander, who threatened to convene the committee were the Mayor unable to present a “contingency plan” for city government’s continued function by Friday, is a surefire vote to remove the disgraced Adams. The same can likely be said for City Council Speaker Adrienne Adams, who yesterday called on her former Bayside High School classmate to resign. Queens Borough President Donovan Richards, while relatively quiet with respect to the newest chapter in the Eric Adams scandal saga, has repeatedly voiced his displeasure with Mayor. Three Votes for Removal. However, Adams can hand-pick the committee’s Deputy Mayor, and would presumably choose a lieutenant aligned with keeping the boss in power. While the number of sympathetic deputies is dwindling by the day, the odds of a covert defection from a suspected ally, while not nil, ultimately remain low. One Vote Opposed.

Therefore, the fate of Eric Adams could entirely fall to Muriel Goode-Trufant, who was appointed to permanently lead the Corporation Counsel only two months ago (the City Council confirmed her by a vote of 41 to 6). Little has been written about Goode-Trufant besides a sole City and State piece, where critics registered their concern “that as corporation counsel, Goode-Trufant will rubber-stamp Mayor Eric Adams’ use of emergency orders.” Such trepidation appeared well-founded following “the mayor’s [indication] he would use emergency orders to suspend New York’s sanctuary city status,” a statement which has “so far, gone unopposed by Goode-Trufant.” One Vote to Decide the Fate of Eric Adams?

However, several election lawyers have flagged that the Inability Committee, which was added to the City Charter after Mayor Ed Koch experienced a mini-stroke in 1987, would lack the legal authority to remove Eric Adams — given the Mayor’s fitness and ability are not actually the matter in question. Furthermore, the optics of a Committee that includes both Brad Lander, already an existing Mayoral candidate, and Adrienne Adams, an eleventh-hour recruit to uphold the mantle of the Black political class, would inevitably lead to charges that the body tasked with removal was primarily motivated by politics.

Which leaves Governor Kathy Hochul…

In an interview with MSNBC, Hochul did not rule out the possibility of removing Adams — a considerable departure from comments she made only a few days earlier, when she pointedly stated that removing a duly elected official “does not feel like something that’s very democratic.”

“The allegations are extremely concerning and serious, but I cannot as the governor of this state have a knee-jerk, politically motivated reaction like a lot of other people are saying right now… I have to maintain stability and do what’s right for the City of New York. These are my constituents as well, and I’m going to make sure they are protected.”

The calculus of Hochul, who is facing her own competitive re-election next year, will likely hinge on the whims of New York City’s Black leadership, where Adams' standing has been eroding. At the annual three-day Black, Puerto Rican, Hispanic and Asian legislative caucus meeting in Albany, the Mayor’s precarious future was, unsurprisingly, the dominant topic of conversation. On Saturday, State Senate Majority Leader Andrea Stewart-Cousins called on Adams to step down. Following the departure of top deputies, City Council Speaker Adrienne Adams asserted that the Mayor has “lost the confidence and trust of his own staff, his colleagues in government, and New Yorkers.” Bronx Congressman Ritchie Torres, an ambitious rival of the Governor who has signaled an intention to mount a well-funded challenge to Hochul in the 2026 Democratic Primary, has also publicly applied pressure for removal. Even prior to the “Thursday Afternoon Massacre,” many Black leaders, led by the Reverend Al Sharpton, once a steadfast ally of the Mayor, were planning to convene to discuss Adams' precarious future.

At a rally with clergy in Brooklyn, the beleaguered Mayor compared his plight to “modern day Mein Kampf” — drawing a swift rebuke from Jewish leaders across the political spectrum. With little incentive to go quietly, any removal proceedings would get ugly, fast.

Were Governor Hochul to suspend Mayor Adams, the chaos would not immediately abate. Hochul would present Adams with the charges against him, and the Mayor would have “full due process rights” and be granted a hearing (conducted by the Governor herself, or an appointed judge) to counter the allegations — a “pretty ambiguous“ process according to well-respected election attorney Jerry Goldfeder. In the trial's interim, much of the day-to-day responsibility of running the city would be passed down to the first deputy mayor (those who have announced plans to depart will remain with the administration until March 23rd; creating a scenario where, if Adams is suspended or removed in the next month, many of his top officials may ultimately stay). Crucially, the Mayor’s suspension cannot “exceed thirty days.”

Were Eric Adams to be removed following the trial, the likeliest outcome if charges are indeed brought against him, Public Advocate Jumaane Williams would be elevated to Interim Mayor. If the removal occurred prior to March 26th, Williams would have three days to call a non-partisan Special Election (with ranked-choice-voting) that would take place in approximately eighty days following the vacancy. While the winner of the Special Election would take office immediately, they would not be guaranteed to serve beyond the calendar year; given both the Democratic and Republican Primaries would still be held on June 24th. Each respective nominee would face off in November’s General Election, with the victor taking office in January. Were the removal to occur after March 26th, there would be no Special Election, the primary calendar would proceed as normal, and Williams would serve as Interim Mayor until November’s General Election, where the winner would take office immediately.

Undoubtedly, there would be counter legal action from Adams and his attorney, Alex Spiro (who infamously represents Elon Musk), amidst a moment without precedent. For months, the Trial of New York City’s Mayor would be front page news across the United States. The White House, and Queens-native Donald Trump, would assuredly take a keen interest in the perceived Democratic Civil War at the heart of his hometown. Governor Hochul, and the Democratic leadership tied to her decision, would be accused of overturning the results of an election (nevermind that if New York City had a recall mechanism for elected officials, the Mayor would lose by fifty-percent). Even for a politician as disliked as Eric Adams (his favorability, among Democrats, mirrors that of Donald Trump; Republican voters have little affinity for the disgraced executive, either), the saga would prove divisive and polarizing for a multi-racial municipality losing faith in government by the day.

But what’s the alternative?

In the wake of Adams’ indictment in late September, which came as a series of scandals (and weekly resignations) engulfed his administration, Hochul did not force out the Mayor, instead opting for a cleanup and restructuring of the embattled Executive’s surroundings. Soon thereafter, Maria Torres-Springer was promoted to First Deputy Mayor, while Jessica Tisch was installed as the new Police Commissioner. Adams, on a short-leash, could no longer install his hand-picked cronies into top positions throughout municipal government. Much of the day-to-day work of managing New York City was taken out of the Mayor’s hands. The ploy worked — until Kamala Harris lost, and the indicted Adams began assiduously courting Donald Trump, with the hope of ascertaining a presidential pardon, or the dismissal of his corruption charges.

However, there was another factor which weighed heavily on both Kathy Hochul and the political establishment as they assessed the scandal-scarred Mayor’s future last fall: collective anxiety about the return of former Governor Andrew Cuomo, who would have been an immediate favorite in the (non-partisan, eighty-day) Special Election triggered by the removal of Adams.

In hindsight, the Governor’s willingness to “kick the can down the road” with respect to the Mayor’s mounting legal troubles, has proven disastrous.

Now, there is little appetite for procrastination. The Trump Administration has not only arrived in New York City, but trojan-horsed their way into City Hall. Without intervention, a Mayor deemed “compromised” and a situation described as “untenable” will persist for another ten months. While Hochul may be inclined to lean on the Inability Committee rather than her own authority – in an effort to keep the metaphorical blood off her hands — the former presents greater procedural and legal hurdles than the latter. The Border Czar ominously warned, “I’ll be back.” For the Mayor to be removed, the Governor will have to make a decision that, in many respects, runs counter to every cautious instinct she has displayed since taking office.

Indeed, the can cannot be kicked any further.

Today, the Governor is convening top leaders — Democratic House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, State Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie, City Council Speaker Adrienne Adams, Comptroller Brad Lander, Queens Borough President Donovan Richards, Reverend Al Sharpton — to discuss the Mayor’s “path forward.”

While the political fate of Adams has been sealed shut for months — his departure is merely a question of when, not if — Kathy Hochul, armed with less-than-ideal removal proceedings fraught with legal questions, faces the most important decision of her career.

As the saying goes, “fool me once, shame on you, fool me twice, shame on me.”

The end of the Eric Adams era, regardless of which outcome is pursued in the coming weeks, will be nightmarishly messy — at a time when New York City is reeling, desperate for some semblance of cohesion, competence and creativity.

It never had to be this way.

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